From Friedrich Hayek to Karl Popper, from the Open Society Foundation to the Bilderberg Group, or even from your local Libertarian party to the Mises Institute––there is a common trend to be noticed. This trend is known as Neoliberalism, and it is one of the two main ways through which globalization occurs. It is through Neoliberalism that NGOs and intergovernmental/supragovernmental bodies will try to use Soft-Power tactics in order to polarize and isolate nation-states that do not comply with the demands of the Global-Market and its rulers. If a nation refuses to comply with free-trade policy or foreign-investment, it will be faced with a barrage of elements coming out of areas like the media, diplomatic relations, economic agreements, etc. If a nation continues to refuse to comply with the Neoliberals, then the Neoconservatives come into play with the big guns of Hard-Power in order to lay the astroturf of “liberal democracy” abroad.

When one understands these dynamics on the world-stage, it is not hard to see why something like the SNC-Lavalin affair has taken place. In fact, this kind of thing is par for the course. Liberal-democracies are, by nature, characterized by plutocrats who pull the strings of Progressivism in order to effect change. This has been the case since most liberal democracies came about through the bourgeoisie rabble rousing the proletariat whilst conning them with their ideals of revolution. Look to the revolutions in England, France, America, and even Lower-Canada. This concept of revolution has only been expanded upon in a wider range of elements within society…

That Justin Trudeau should be in the pocket of corporate lobbies, NGOs, private donors, etc… should come as no surprise. It is a symptom of the cause that is the substructure of our system itself. A free-market governed by an invisible hand will ultimately take on the form of spineless predators who symbiotically adapt to the perversions of the mass-population, who they perpetually subvert. Eventually needs tend to outweigh perversions, and some kind of monopolistic force always prevails, with much power power consolidated in its hands whilst being much more capable of expanding into and occupying “enemy territory” (both in a literal and figurative sense). This is why both parties like the NDP and PPC may emerge as Left and Right-wing Populist replacements to the Liberal and Conservative Parties. Whether the population that supports each party is aware of this fact or not, there is a subconscious and collective instinct manifesting in the form of opposition to what has become an “old regime” of banksters, businessmen, media outlets, and activist organizations (all of which use social progress as a front).

Ultimately, the replacement of the labour-left (and the genuine concern to create more equitable economic conditions) with cultural concessions to social progress might be the worst implication of a plutocratic elite that tries to sell whatever in can in a cultural dynamic where “anything goes” and “nothing matters”. Justin Trudeau is but an embodiment of this very phenomenon. When you hear him correcting women about using politically correct terms like “peoplekind”, when you hear him claiming “honour killings are not barbaric”, or even when you see him dressing up in silly costumes that appropriate the cultures of ethnic minorities––it should come as no surprise to you that he is propped up by an apparatus of organizations from the Tides Foundation all the way to SNC-Lavalin. These kinds of agendas do not brew in a vacuum.

To summarize the scandal, in essence:
–In 2015, SNC-Lavalin (an engineering and construction company based on of Quebec) came under investigation by the RCMP for paying off public officials in Libya during the reign of Muammar Gaddafi. This ultimately put them at risk of no longer being able to bid on government contracts.
–In 2018 the Liberals recently passed deferred prosecution agreement legislation as an amendment to the Criminal Code of Canada (after SNC lobbied for such a provision in order to avoid prosecution for the charges they were faced with).
–In order to take control of the prosecution of SNC (and ultimately clear the charges, presumably as per SNC’s lobbying), the Liberals needed the then-Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould to issue a directive to the Director of Public Prosecutions to exercise Prosecutorial independence over the case.
–Wilson-Raybould saw this as a violation of ethics over law, and came forward to expose the scandal.
–In 2019, Wilson-Raybould was switched to Minister of Veterans Affairs in a cabinet shuffle.
–Wilson-Raybould has now explicitly come forward, as of a hearing on February 27, 2019, wherein she made the following statement:

“For a period of approximately four months between September and December 2018, I experienced a consistent and sustained effort by many people within the government to seek to politically interfere in the exercise of prosecutorial discretion in my role as the Attorney General of Canada in an inappropriate effort to secure a Deferred Prosecution Agreement with SNC-Lavalin.””

–Wilson-Raybould’s accusations of interference in the prosecution have now implicated: Trudeau, Wernick, Gerald Butts, Katie Telford, Bill Morneau, and other high ranking officials in the PMO and Ministry of Finance.

If the Liberals had a single ounce of competence in their body or a single shred of dignity in their bones, they would put a motion of no-confidence forward against Trudeau and they would bring Wilson-Raybould to the forefront of their party, possibly even having her run for Prime Minister in the upcoming election. If Wilson-Raybould was as intelligent as she is ethical, she would use this current scandal as leverage to try to run as a PM candidate for the NDP, thereby furthering the inevitably death of the liberals to the Left-Populism of the NDP. Frankly, one should have little confidence that any of these plays will be made. Trudeau is subject to a similar position as Macron, May, and Merkel in terms of decreasing approval ratings to a point of potentially threatening his position, though, like the aforementioned leaders, chances are likely that he will remain in power until his term ends.

Anyone who is cynical enough about the current nature of politics in Canada should actually find it rather refreshing that Trudeau was actually colluding with a national corporation rather than a foreign corporation. Moreover, one should find it even more refreshing that the Liberals were actually supporting Muammar Gaddafi, which is actually kind of badass in light of the extent to which he opposed the Globalist agenda. It is this side to Trudeau, the very same side he displayed when nationalizing the Trans-Mountain pipeline or when engaging in reciprocal tariffs against the US in the recent trade war, that actually echoes a Populist-Protectionist legacy to the Liberal Party. The only issue is, what do Liberals care for legacy or tradition, let alone their own? If they did, they might remember the spirit that went into their immigration policy of 1952.

There was a time when Liberals actually cared for the white, working-class majority in Canada. Accepting that the majority of the population is ethnically European-descended and economically working-class, the Liberals actually represented Canada at one point. Perhaps, on a strictly economic-level, the NDP does a better job facilitating that role at this point. When it comes to Economic Nationalism, the PPC is considerably weaker than the NDP in this respect. Economic Nationalism isn’t just a pillar of Populism, but is it also a core element of Tradition in Canada, going all the way back to the National Policy of Sir John A. MacDonald. It would be ideal if the more National Traditionalism of the PPC could actually work with the Economic Nationalism of the NDP. There’s nothing like a Neoliberal scandal to bring the Populist Left and Populist Right together.

When it comes to the current condition of the Canadian working-class, some people like to solely look at productivity levels vs. the rate of wage growth, which used to be in sync with one another when there was a greater need for labour with manufacturing. The disparity here is certainly noteworthy, and it indicates that, what was correlative with wage growth, is now receiving its inputs by other means while expending its outputs in other places than labour-wages.

Regarding wealth inequality, one could also look at the increasing cost of things like housing or food (in contrast with only a few decades ago) vs real wage growth as well. Furthermore, one could also look at the considerably high GINI coefficient (relative to other countries), that would indicate the average wage is being sustained by an increasing upper class making more rather than a lower class experiencing wage growth. Either way, what is to be noted is that the labor-left has left a working-class demand wanting, and the question really becomes a matter of who will take up the mantle of both the European-descended and working-class majority…

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Author

Maurice Porter

Located in Ontario, Canada, Maurice Porter is a journalist who focuses on history and current through a Nationalist lens. Having attended university in Waterloo, Porter studied history, politics, and philosophy from a Occidentalist approach. Maurice manages the MacDonald Institute and wrote the MacDonald Mandate, which is currently being used by the Canadian Nationalist Party.