Last time on Divide Within the Right, we went into the tendency for the CPC to expel candidates whose views aren’t in line with their standards on political correctness, the divisions between Bernier and Sheer within the CPC, the rise of Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada, and the rise of various other candidates and parties on the fringe.
Since then, we have seen quite a turn of events… To recap:
– Faith Goldy was denied access to airtime and denied the right to participate in municipal political debates despite being the candidate to come in 3rd place in the 2018 Toronto Mayoral Elections, suggesting possible collusion on the part of John Tory with various organizations and media companies he used to work for (such as Rogers and Bell).
– Kevin J. Johnston was faced with similar treatment despite being the 2nd place candidate in the 2018 Mississauga Mayoral Elections.
– The Infamous Paul Fromm came in 7th place out of the 15 candidates in the Hamilton Mayoral Elections.
– Marc Lemire, an employee of the City of Hamilton recently lost his job because of his opinions on politics and his associations with Fromm.
– The National Citizens Alliance has had two of their members assaulted by Antifa while police tried to ban them from campaigning in a public space.
– The Canadian Nationalist Party has been faced with an NGO attempting to suppress them by means of the RCMP, CBC, MSM, and by lobbying for policies which would prevent nationalist ideologies from participating in the electoral system.
– Said NGO has proceeded to doxx the CNP, setting a precedent for a pattern of behaviour that has continued with the PPC and NCA.
As an aside, it’s worth noting that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has also recently been caught engaged in three separate instances of “blackface”, which seems to parallel a previous controversy where Pierre-Elliot Trudeau dressed up like a Wermacht soldier and motorbiked around the country. Much as Maxime Bernier might oppose mass-immigration, I’ve never seen him “painted black”, so to speak.
(Above is the supposed picture of Pierre-Elliot Trudeau dressed like a Wermacht soldier on a motorbike)
Looking at the nature of the events which have unfolded, it is not hard to conclude that various strains of Nationalism are being cracked down on by radical, systemic, and hypocritical forces. Meanwhile, these Nationalist forces continue to be steadfast and devoted in their attempt to work within the system and reform it from within by means of legitimate participation within the electoral system through a grassroots approach.
In many ways, the nature of the events that have unfolded within our nation reflect broader trends in the West in general. In general, we are seeing nationalist forces rising in parts of the West while NGOs (like the Open Society Foundation among others…) and supranational Globalist leaders like Guy Verhofstadt attempt to consolidate power and build an “empire”. In Canada, we see NGOs (like the Canadian Antihate Network among others…) suppressing Nationalism while “Postnational” nation-state leaders like Justin Trudeau attempt to further their reign over their nation-state as puppets of much broader interests.
Sadly, Canada is among nations like France, Germany, and Sweden in its attempt to suppress Nationalist sentiment while pushing for more globalized nation-states. While this “push” may benefit many transnational and multinational corporations, private equity funds, and international investment banks in the short-term, in the long term (from the national perspective) it is devastating to Western nations in light of many other Eastern nation-states pursuing a more nationalistic approach to a globalized world (e.g. China and Russia).
From a lens that is more-broadly “Western”, one has to wonder the extent to which the growth of National-Populism within more-developed, Western nation-states will outcompete the growth of less developed, Eastern Nationalist regimes. In this respect, it is worth noting that the extent to which the West is “more-developed” becomes continually more questionable.
Some nations are certainly way further ahead than others when it comes to their transition into a more Nationalist mentality. Because of the Banderite and Metaxist legacies in the Ukraine and Greece respectively, highly Nationalistic parties like Svoboda and Golden Dawn have been able to gain some traction, while countries like Austria and Poland have adopted a lighter National Conservative and Populist approach. While Donald Trump also falls into the light-nationalist approach, he has gone as far as to explicitly identify as a nationalist.
With that being said, it is worth asking: Why does Lavtia have an Ethno-Nationalist party (National Alliance) within its government? Why do the nationalistic Swedish Democrats make up the opposition in the Riksdag? Why do Estonia and Austria have a National Conservative party in Power? Why does Italy have a National-Populist Government?
And the answer is: electoral alliances, political alliances, and coalition governments.
These countries are worth mentioning because Canadian Nationalism stands to learn quite a lot from them.
At this point, given the list of federally registered parties in Canada: The Canadian Nationalist Party, The National Citizens Alliance, The Christian Heritage Party, and the Redtory, Progressive Canadian Party should all consider coming together into a political alliance. The Alliance of the North has lost its federally registered status as a party, so they are currently out of the picture, however, a CNP-NCA alliance might even be able to gain the support of the PPC and Libertarian Parties. Given the alliance between the PPC and the Bloc Quebecois, it would not be hard to imagine Quebecois Nationalism playing a role in such an alliance.
Unless one single, federally registered Nationalist or National-Populist/National Conservative party gains enough of a following, all of the smaller parties should look to form a political alliance and market themselves within that alliance. This does not mean they would have to go as far as to form an electoral alliance and merge for the election, rather it could consist of the individual parties retaining their individual sovereignty while coming together and acknowledging that if they happen to accumulatively/collectively gain a majority following, they would form a coalition government.
As a final word, in order for a populist movement to succeed it must be popular. In this respect, a Nationalist-Populist movement must be prepared to compromise with the popular will in order to assert the national will. When one looks at polling for immigration, one sees the popular will aligned with the national will insofar as 66% of Globe and Mail readers and 72% of CTV viewers polled said “State-sponsored multiculturalism a failure!”. More recently, an Ipsos poll revealed that 54% of respondents feel that Canada is currently too welcoming to immigrants while a recent Leger poll revealed that 63% of respondents said prioritizing limiting immigration should be a government concern.
But despite the popularity of policy in line with protecting the borders of the nation-state, if one looks at the popularity of pro-choice or pro-cannabis legislation, they will find it is out of sync with the traditions of our nation-state. Here, if Nationalism seeks to be populist, it must compromise and concede with the popular will. This is something that the Front Nationale of France (a party which almost won the last national election and which is now represented in the European Parliament) has learned under Marine Le Penn. Furthermore, if the national perspective does expect the popular will to “take” on certain unpopular policies, they have to be prepared to “give” on other popular policies. It is from this culmination of popular policies on Social-Populist Left and popular policies on the National-Populist Right that a genuinely Populist position can be found.
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In many ways, the nature of the events that have unfolded within our nation reflect broader trends in the...